God Of Kdrama Addiction by aquarianunicorn V iewers around the globe has been swept up with the Goblin syndrome. No matter which actor is paired up with, the scenes just come to life.
Despite the deadpan ferocity of the satire, this warning was not enough to save me from succumbing to the totalitarian temptation in my early 20s, that dangerous age when youthful idealism so often gives rise to self-righteous zealotry; but if the early exposure failed to preserve me from subsequent infection, it perhaps ensured that I recovered from the condition fairly rapidly and remained immune to the virus thereafter.
All readers of Orwell are impressed by his clarity of expression, his independence of mind, the prescience of some of his judgements, and the silliness of his more sweeping generalizations. But what particularly struck me re-reading some of his major essays just recently is the extent to which his observations are applicable to the contemporary antagonism between traditional liberals followers of Enlightenment universalism and J.
The thing that, to me, was truly frightening about the war in Spain was not such violence as I witnessed, nor even the party feuds behind the lines, but the immediate reappearance in left-wing circles of the mental atmosphere of the Great War.
The very people who for twenty years had sniggered over their own superiority to war hysteria were the ones who rushed straight back into the mental slum of All the familiar wartime idiocies, spy-hunting, orthodoxy-sniffing Sniff, sniff.
Are you a good anti-Fascist? Before the end of the Spanish war, and even before Munich, some of the better of the left-wing writers were beginning to squirm. Neither Auden nor, on the whole, Spender wrote about the Spanish war in quite the vein that was expected of them.
Since then there has been a change of feeling and much dismay and confusion, because the actual course of events has made nonsense of the left-wing orthodoxy of the last few years. But then it did not need very great acuteness to see that much of it was nonsense from the start. There is no certainty, therefore, that the next orthodoxy to emerge will be any better than the last.
Another feature of modern culture picked up by Orwell is the tendency for university-educated intellectuals to focus their energies on criticizing the relatively mild inequalities and abuses of their own societies, while ignoring or apologizing for major oppressions and persecutions elsewhere.
Perhaps the last right-wing intellectual was T. The immediately striking thing about all these papers is their generally negative, querulous attitude, their complete lack at all times of any constructive suggestion. There is little in them except the irresponsible carping of people who have never been and never expect to be in a position of power.
Another marked characteristic is the emotional shallowness of people who live in a world of ideas and have little contact with physical reality. Many intellectuals of the Left were flabbily pacifist up toshrieked for war against Germany in the yearsand then promptly cooled off when the war started.
And underlying this is the really important fact about so many of the English intelligentsia — their severance from the common culture of the country.
In intention, at any rate, the English intelligentsia are Europeanized. They take their cookery from Paris and their opinions from Moscow. In the general patriotism of the country they form a sort of island of dissident thought.
England is perhaps the only great country whose intellectuals are ashamed of their own nationality. In left-wing circles it is always felt that there is something slightly disgraceful in being an Englishman and that it is a duty to snigger at every English institution, from horse racing to suet puddings.
All through the critical years many left-wingers were chipping away at English morale, trying to spread an outlook that was sometimes squashily pacifist, sometimes violently pro-Russian, but always anti-British.
During the s intellectuals largely shared the political consensus forged in the long war against Nazism and Japanese fascism — a set of liberal democratic principles embodied in the Atlantic Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
By then, however, post-modern modes of thought had spread from France, and the humanities departments were scrapping boring old subjects like history and literature stuffed as they were with those dreadful white males in favor of cultural and gender studies and the promise of diversity, at least as regards to gender and race.
The scholars and activists emerging from these disciplines were not going to be fooled by conceited claims that the West was significantly superior to other societies, no matter how authoritarian; on the contrary, they were determined to show that every problem in the developing world was the direct or indirect result of past imperialism or present-day global capitalism.
Because they no longer studied historyhowever, they were unaware that precisely the same excuse was made by Western apologists for and fellow travelers with the coercive excesses of revolutionary Russia — that they were the inevitable result of intervention and boycott by the jealous capitalist powers.
Traditional, evidence-based historians who stood out against this trend, such as Niall Ferguson, who perversely defended the record of British imperialism, were conspicuous by their rarity, and increasingly despised as patsies for the oppressors. The s were the decade in which it was finally brought home to the old hard left that the proletariat was not going to perform the redemptive role assigned to it in Marxist theory; workers at least in the developed countries were far too busy enjoying the fruits of affluence to be bothered with leading a revolution.
I had observed this trend emerging in Australia in the s, when young communists mostly graduate students and junior academics began to emphasize the role of women, migrant and Aboriginal workers in the transformation of society; but during the s the language of class disappeared entirely, replaced by gender, sexuality and race — in short, personal or tribal identities.
Alongside this transformation appeared environmentalism: Classic instances were identification with the proletariat, commitment to Communism usually involving loyalty to one or other socialist fatherland — first Russia, then, as that disappointed, China, Cuba and, for the really desperate, Albania and North Koreaand of course that old stand-by, the Roman Catholic Church.
Today the same role is beginning to be performed by the ultimate ideological other, Islam as a religion and lifestyle. Among the intelligentsia, colour feeling only occurs in the transposed form, that is, as a belief in the innate superiority of the coloured races. This is now increasingly common among English intellectuals, probably resulting more often from masochism and sexual frustration than from contact with the Oriental and Negro nationalist movements.This site does not store any files on its server.
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